Abstract

Religion remains a significant source of intolerance, discrimination, and marginalization all across the world, despite efforts to eradicate it. In recent times, religious activities have fostered fear, suspicion, and other bad sentiments among their respective believers, rather than fostering unity and mutual tolerance. In the media, there is a common refrain claiming Islam is the cause of a string of terrorist incidents. Resultantly, various governments are anxious about and mistrust of Muslims (Islamophobia), and on the other side, a western phobia is on the increase. This paper systematically reviews the aspects of Islamophobia and western phobia that have repercussions for peace in the world and peaceful coexistence. According to the findings of the study, an increase in Islamophobic attacks and religious intolerance around the world has presented a grave risk to global concord and unity.

Key Words

Islamophobia, Anti-Westernization, Islamophobia symptoms, Hate Speech, Hostility  

Introduction

Because of historical inflows of financial, intellectual, religious, and technical nature, the West has painted an inaccurate picture of Islam, which many Europeans' political and social imaginations continue to hold. In spite of media and technology's ability to facilitate ethnic convergence, the false perceptions about Islam continue to be stuck by the Western world that are far away from the multitude of social, traditional, and diplomatic practices within this true religion. The actuality wherein the Western resident derives his cultural notion does not contribute to raising Islam's true stature. In all of its facets, Islam and its followers are still depicted in ways that contradict their underlying reality. Complexity and distortion have shattered the dissemination of a false binary connection between Islam and the West. This connection progressed through several phases and directions. Islamism, the historical image, Muslim immigration, terrorism, and the media are all factors in the present fear of Islam. Considerable steps must be undertaken to dissociate Islam from dangerous threats in Western societies and also in Muslim communities around the world in order to enhance the image.

After Christianity, Islam is the world's second biggest religion, and Muslims constitute the fastest-growing ethnocultural minority group in the Western world. Unfortunately, Muslims, particularly those who live in Western countries, are rapidly becoming victims of Islam phobia, a new kind of xenophobia and racism. According to poll studies conducted across Western nations, a significant number of respondents are sceptical of the Muslim groups in minority, and this undesirable tendency threatens the ethnic equality and freedom of such Muslim minorities. Common Muslims residing in the West are the most obvious victims of ISIS terror and Islam phobia in the contemporary world. Terrorist organizations which use Islam to make headway and invite people, particularly those capable of depicting violent acts in the heart of Western states, have unquestionably caused the rise of structural racism by enabling Islamophobics to correlate Islam with terrorism and begin accusing Islam for their heinous crimes. It was Al-Qaeda then, and it is ISIS now that is spreading anti-Islam hatred and violence in the West. Other extremist groups, such as Nigeria's Boko Haram, Afghanistan's Talibans, and Al-Shabab in Somalia, were not as effective as Al-Qaeda and ISIS in organizing lethal attacks in Western countries or exploiting religious language.

ISIS, al-Qaida, as well as other terrorist organizations, have long infuriated ordinary Muslims, but it is unfortunate that the West have failed to foster a culture of awareness that avoids blaming all Muslims for the atrocities committed by individuals or extremist groups. Muslims living in the West are increasingly facing prejudice, stigmatization, racism, and hate crimes, all of which are fueled by ISIS or Al-Qaeda-motivated terror. Fear is plainly fed by Hatemongers and terrorist groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, and Muslim minorities trapped in this vicious cycle of mutual extremism and phobia fight to sustain their cultural or ethnic survival in their various Western host communities. The security dilemma, one of the most essential principles in global affairs and the school of realism, is studied through the lens of this research, which claims that there is a causal relationship between Islamophobia in the West and anti-westernization in its counter. Even now, the idea of Islamophobia poses an ethnocultural difficulty for minority Muslims populations, notably in Western host nations, leading to an increase in anti-western attitudes.




How Islamophobia Ailments Abound

The phrase Islamophobia is composed of the concepts of Islam and Phobia. Islam is a monotheistic religion that proclaims Mohammed to be Allah's prophet (Rasulullah). A phobia is an irrational as well as overwhelming distress about anything (in Alshammari, 2013: 178). As a result, Islamophobia, which is described as anxiety, apprehension, or phobia aimed against Muslims, might relate to a variety of processes affecting law, economics, and communal life (Bazian, 2015: 162). Excessive concern and dread are typically the source of discrimination towards Muslims. Incidents of illegal detention of suspected assailants by the Densus 88 in late 2015, as well as the demise of Siyono at the time of arrest, resulted in the issue of human privileges violations in February 2016, and are one example of excessive concern. It episode shows how security apparatus concern and knowledge became a catalyst for pragmatic action rather of addressing the problem's core cause. These actions show how Islamophobia can impair a person's capacity to think.

It does so in the case of Tahera Ahmad Muslim, a Northwestern University of Chicago community member who was treated improperly by United Airlines attendants. A flight attendant distributes soda lime cans that have already been opened, preventing Tahera from using them as a weapon. Because Tahera is a Moslem, even other passengers tolerate the flight attendants' behavior. The anecdote reveals that not just among men and women, discriminatory practices based on a profound fear of Islam were used across society.

In England, a study on Islamophobia began in 1995. Islam is regarded as a threat, according to several studies. In that it contains an outline of invasion and infiltration, Islam is regarded to be akin to the Nazi as well as communist regimes. Terror and hatred of Islam ultimately spread among Moslems, producing dread and aversion. Hatred is on the increase in certain Western countries. Anti-Muslim sentiment has grown more fierce and lethal over the last two decades (Truts in Moordiningsih, 2004: 74). After, 11th September 2001, there was widespread mistrust and hostility toward Islam in the United States of America. Some examples of skewed views are as follows:

1. The religion of Islam shows a unified civilization that is zealous about adopting new social realities.

2. The religion "Islam" has drastically different values than other beliefs and values.

3. The religion Islam is regarded like a minor faith. As the western world sees it. It has primitive, archaic, and irrational qualities, according to legend.

4. Terrorism and other types of abuse in society are encouraged by the Islam religion.

5. The Islamic belief is a vicious belief in the political dome (Alshammari, 2013: 177).

As previously said, there is a widespread misconception that Islam is violent and filled with inflexible rules. A series of terrorist acts was afterward connected to Islam as a result of this.

202 people, including Indonesians and tourists, died on 12th October 2002 in the first Bali bombing, which sparked a wave of anti-Islamic sentiment in Indonesia. As a result of these instances, terrorism became a serious issue. It's the Amrozi gang and their allies that use Islamist tactics to hunt down and catch the perpetrators. Finally, there was a rise in apprehension and alertness regarding the Islamic religion (particularly Radical Islam). Bombings of various sizes and scope, such as the JW Marriot Hotel bombing in 2003, the Australian Embassy bombing in 2004, the Jimbaran/Bali II bombing in 2005, the Ritz Carlton and JW Marriot II bombing in 2009, and the Sarinah bombing in 2016, as well as a string of terror incidents in certain areas..

A Western Perception on Motivated Hostility against Islam

The causes of the current Western war against Islam are traced through an examination of its dimensions. It didn't happen by accident; there are tactical, financial, fiscal, and cultural reasons behind it. According to Hippler and Loige (1996), antagonism to Islam is motivated by a variety of factors that are not generally acknowledged by the Western community. This can take the shape of a West dread of a mystical theological challenge to Christian culture against the west, or they can take the form of a worry of the advent of Islamic extremism, which could limit oil exports to the same, or of a cultural assault by refugees from Turkey and North Africa. The rise of the other civilization's accusation of unbelief that has spread throughout the Muslim world thanks to a certain extremist Islamic parties that have begun to establish a presence on Muslim streets by raising slogans that naive people interpret as a fight between Islam and Christianity or infidels. These problems are perceived differently in the United States and Europe, and often in tandem and sometimes independently. As a result, the concept of an Islamic danger to Western countries' security does not resonate equally across Westerners, but rather on different levels. Multiple motivations behind the violent onslaught targeting Islam's cognitive and discretionary structures. It is apparent that no other faith has ever been attacked and distorted in such a blatant and spiteful manner as Islam has. Islam, on the other hand, is deeply entrenched in the thoughts and consciences of its adherents. In fact, this is trending in a number of states that hideouts for the elevation of anti-Islam detestation, notably the United States and Continental Europe, in which more than thousands of residents join the Religion Islam each year in a spectacle that has perplexed political and intellectual institutions in the West. A lot of facts have been realized by Islam's critics.

First, Islam is a living, dynamic faith, not a dormant or dead one. Subjugation and dominance are difficult to achieve. This has been shown by the numerous Western initiatives that have failed to degrade its image or eradicate its doctrines. Second, despite the West's deception operations over Islam, this has become the world's fastest-growing religion, leading to predictions that certain major Western capitals, such like Paris and Amsterdam, will become Muslim capital cities over the next twenty years. Those who speak about the Islamic danger to Western interests defend their perceptions and points of view in this regard. A few of those arguments are helpful to recall:

1. Several Western liberals believe that the radical and rational war over religion Islam is lonely a retaliation for the Islamic world's biased and open attacks on the political and social container of Western nations.

2. It would not take long to find the Muslims' dismissive attitude by seeking for incendiary words made by several Muslim leaders at various periods when they addressed the lack of harmony, conflict, and competition with the West, according to the West. Sayyid Qutb's comments on the horrors of Western ignorance, Khomeini's comments on Western corrupt practices, and Osama bin Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and Abu Hamza al-attacks Masri's comments on Western greediness and skepticism all support this.

3. The existence of Islamic states, such as Iran, Pakistan, Taliban, Afghanistan, Sudan are at the core of contemporary terrorism and bloodshed. These countries continue to have a major influence over the Islamic revolutions in the Islamic world and Arab that resist Western interests, meaning that an Islamic threat to Western interests exists.

4. There is a long history of confrontation between the West and the Muslim East and this has been working for many years e.g. 1,300 years ago. This outlasted the Crusades and the Ottoman Empire in the eleventh century.  These battles, particularly the Ottoman attacks on Slavic peoples, left profound wounds that have been brought to light by several legal academics investigating the legitimacy of anti-Islamic hostility.

5. Western concerns about Islam were utilized as a fresh pretext for escalating the fight on Islam, which culminated in the fall of Communism and the rise of North Korea as its successor state. Some feel that the demise of the Soviet Union created a vacuum on the global arena, allowing the centuries-old war between the Christian West and Islamic East to resurface. Secondly, in the second Gulf War, in which the United States and even other Western states battled to drive out Iraq from Kuwait. It has been regarded as a battle between Islamic predispositions and Western capitalism in certain areas.

The terrorist invasions on Sept 11, 2001, were a watershed moment in Muslim-Western relations. A new language has been adopted in the world political lexicon, all of which is built on fear or terror of the other. Islamophobia, or phobia of Muslims, is a modern term invented to combat "westophobia," or fear of white people.

Anti-Westernization and Westophobia

Westophobia began when Islamophobia did. Westophobia is hatred and hostility of the West, especially in response to anti-Islamic policies and behaviours. Ali traces the phenomena to the post-colonial era, when Muslim countries reacted intellectually to Western-style modernization. This was a moment when Muslim culture was declining and Europe was rising intellectually, economically, and politically.

Since colonial times, West-Muslim relations have developed in two opposing ways. The political elite "blindly imitated" the West and its modernity without thinking if their economic, cultural, economic, or cultural setting was acceptable. Today's globe shows similar patterns. Some Muslims think that Western values threaten their life style. Others have accepted Western culture.

Fear or hate of the West in the earlier was partly a response to just what Edward Said calls the "Orientalist enterprise" A methodical transformation caused a "total eclipse of Muslim army, social, and intellectual life." European invaders degraded the once-mighty Islamic civilization through propaganda to avoid a resurgence of Islamic threat. Westophobic Muslims now perceive the West as a threat to Islam and Muslims.

 Westophobia arose as a result of Muslim despots and tyrants, as well as their bureaucracy and feudal backers, promoting Western influence and westoxification. While praising the West's scientific achievements and urging the Muslim world to modernize and modernization, Al-Afghani also chastised Muslim monarchs for their desire to abandon Islam and its cultural superstructure totally in the name of misguided Westernization. Al-Afghani, on the other hand, was more concerned with the perils of Western hegemony and the political servitude that it represented for Muslim states than with Enlightenment ideas, which he saw as congruent with those backed by the Quran and the Prophet's words. Their whole critique of Western civilisation served as a rallying cry for political liberty and autonomy.

During the 1950s and 1960s, however, the criticism of the West became an inextricable issue of political action within Arab nationalism. Marxists have gained substantial clout in Third World politics since the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. The West was criticized by Soviet marxists and their heroic Maoist Chinese counterparts as parasitic, pro-imperialist, and reactionary. In actuality, every extremist organization with in Developing World, even those in the West, sang the same tune. Several socialist organizations in Morocco, Lebanon, Tunisia, and Algeria blended their political ideology with nationalist feelings and Arab solidarity to conduct anti-Western activities. This anti-Western sentiment did not evolve into severe Westophobia as it would afterward just be an intellectual challenge to the imperialist superstructure of capitalism. Even secular movements founded in the West, like as Baathism and Nasserism, adopted an Islamic appearance in order to gain public support.

Following the disasters of all economic and political models explored by Muslim governments, including all the Soviet Union, even without the guidance and assistance of the West, Westophobia evolved as a unique Islamist response. Socialism, state capitalism, and communists are all creations of the West, according to Islamists who "use the lexicon of Islamic(ate) analogy to plan out their political destiny and identify their future in politics in Islam," according to Sayyid. Unlike earlier anti-West ideas, late-century Westophobia includes not just delegitimization as well as rejection of Western political control and economic growth, as well as the entire epistemological ideology that gave rise to them as philosophy. Three major Islamist intellectuals were Abu Ala Maududi (1903-79), Sayyid Qutb (1906-66), and Ayatollah Khomeini (1903-79). (1903-79). Others, such as Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) and Hasan al-Banna (1906-49), also wrote, albeit their works are less well-known than those of the three named above. Among this trio's works, speeches, and publications, Sayyid Qutb's Ma'alim fi Tariq (Benchmarks), a collection of his letters and observations written while imprisoned by Egypt, is unquestionably one of the most popular among Islamists.

Qutub spent three years in the United States between 1948 and 1951, similar to Tahtawi's five-year stay in Paris between 1826 and 1831; but, unlike Tahtawi, Qutub returned with a poor impression of America. Qutb attacked America's moral bankruptcy while admiring its scientific and intellectual achievements, but Tahtawi observed Islam in Europe without Muslims. In his work "The America I Have Seen," which he wrote that was published in Al-Risala, a Journal of Egypt, where he concluded: 

“America’s virtues are the virtues of production and organization, and not those of human and social morals. America’s are the virtues of the brain and the hand, and not those of taste and sensibility.” 

Qutb writes:  

“American life is the case of a people who have reached the peak of growth and elevation in the world of science and productivity, while remaining abysmally primitive in the world of senses, feelings, and behaviour.” 

Among Qutb's most important contributions to Islamism was his comparisons of Muslim societies now to Jahiliyyah, "that is identical in nature as during the first time of Islam, perhaps a bit deeper." 

“Our entire environment, as well as people's beliefs and ideas, habits and art, customs and laws, and even what we regard to be Islamic sources, Islamic culture, Islamic thought Islamic philosophy are all Jahiliyyah inventions.” 

Returning to the Quran in the form of the Prophet and the very first era of Muslims comprehended and practised it was his prescriptions for the future (al-salaf al-salih). Qutb saw veiled deceit and diversion generated by "enemies of Faith" and Christendom in all Muslim nations, hence he rejected all man-made economic, political, educational, and legal models employed in all Muslim countries. Prior to Qutb, Abu Ala Maududi, who left pre-partition India to Pakistan, described Muslims' contemporary condition as one of Jahiliyyah and sought for an Islamic State governed by Shariah. In the West, he railed against territorial nationalism, atheistic materialism, and popular sovereignty. Not his human creatures, but Allah, according to Maududi, possesses sovereignty and legislative power. Ayatollah Khomeini formed an Islamic state in Iran (Hukmat-I Islam) despite all difficulties, whilst Maududi and Qutb wrote and advocated about an Islamic resolution to the Muslim dilemma. Khomeini's critique of Shah's Western influence initiatives, his repudiation of Western civilisation, and his adamant anti-American position helped the formation of Westophobia. Khomeini called for unity among Muslims without naming the West: 

“To free its territory from colonialism's hold, to overthrow colonialism's agent states, and to establish an Islamic government.” 

Sayyid draws a comparison between Islamism of Khomeini and the Westernisation of Kemal, which concluded:

“If Kemal Ataturk can be seen as an icon representing the conclusion of different westernisation attempts, then Khomeini represents the end of Kemalism.”  

Radicalized Anti-Western Sentiments

It is the epistemological and fervent shift from a Qutbian-style intellectual anti-Western sentiment that was advocated by Muslim thinkers who wanted a "prospective order extensively Islamic (and) purified of any political influence of the other," to a radical and violent and militant anti-Western sentiment that craved for equivalent Qutbian objective, although with unrestrained vehemence and anarchy, as evidenced through Al-Qaeda as well as Taliban including other terrorist organizations.

Both moderate and extremist varieties of Islamism, as well as its accompanying brutality and depravity, stem from the psychological abrasion of Western empire and colonialism.  French and British colonialism, followed by American imperialism and its plethora of geopolitical ambitions, military exploits, and economic hedonism, converted moderate Islamism into the militant variant it is today throughout the Muslim Mid East and North Africa. Resultantly, intellectual Westophobia was politicised and turned into intemperate Westophobia. As a result of rational resistance to regal and imperialist ventures, Islamism began in the 18th and 20th centuries as a means of constructing an alternative ideological framework to colonial-manufactured models of political governance, but its ultra-radical manifestation in the 21st century signifies the realisation of that ideological alternative's defeats and reflects the uncompromising commitment by a group of individuals. Due to the utter incapacity of Muslim leaders to right the wrongs and embarrassments foisted on the umma by colonisers of the past and imperialists of the present, the said 21st-century Islamism was born, a nebulous entity divided into objective and subjective components but reunified in its technique of unrelenting violence. "The phenomena of the Taliban and al-Qaeda should be seen in the same line as the United States' rapid metamorphosis into a predatory empire," Dabashi says. All other extreme organizations, including the Islamic State, should be treated the same way. Any effort to de-radicalize by intelligence and military measures will fail until the magnitude and complexities of prejudices and dishonour at the very oust of modern radicalization and Westophobia are comprehended.

The above facts contextualize the present trend toward radicalization and violence, rather than a thorough exposition of the essential factors that underpin this militancy.

Although the destabilization of the Mughal Dynasty in the 19th century, as well as the downturn and fatality of Ottoman Rule in the last century, followed by the servitude of the greater portion of Islamdom by Western imperial powers, was by far the most intensely terrifying incident experienced by Musalmans in the early Islamic period. While formal colonialism between the US and Europe has ended, Western control and involvement in the economic and political affairs of Muslim countries continues. In fact, the British Political Establishment, which continued to portray Islam as an outsider after WWII, left little room for a fractured ummah to regroup and reclaim its pre-colonial position. As a result, anti-western attitudes are strongly felt. The ummah, in the viewpoint of the West, is a subjugated non-Western population who must be educated and controlled in order to accept modernity and obey Western authority's so-called essential ideals. When Islam was decapitated in 1924, the Muslim umma lost its political representation on the world stage. Muslims were becoming "organs without a body or a body without organs," as Yasin Aktay puts it. The most recent response to this misery and humiliation is than called radical Islamism. Anti-Western hostility is rampant in this extremism.

Shortly after the 11th September, terrorist attacks, when the United States and its allies shot down, invaded, dominated, and devastated Iraq and Afghanistan, sixty American intellectuals, including Samuel Huntington and Francis Fukuyama, agreed to sign and publish "What We've Been Fighting For: An American Letter," a controversial open letter. From Muslim quarters, it elicited similarly polarising, if not hostile, reactions. One of them was Abul Bara of the Islamic Research Studies Centre's rejoinder to and analysis of another response by 153 Saudi scholars to the US open letter. Abul Bara's remark is iconic because it encapsulates the underlying and unsolved concerns that fuel extreme Westophobia and radicalism among today's ummah's young. "How come they haven't condemned Muslim murders in Kashmir, Iraq, Eritrea, Palestine, and Indonesia?" Abul Bara asks American intellectuals a blunt inquiry. Where are their remarks condemning the Kograt genocide, which claimed the lives of 2,000 Muslims more than a twenty-day period? Where are your remarks, intellectuals, wherein you express your sadness for all of the other victims and pray for God's blessing of bravery for them? Where are your views on finding answers to the Muslim people's issues? Where are your declarations explaining the actual terrorism committed by these offenders and those who help them? Where are your comments about the crusaders' Muslim war prisoners? Is it feasible that the dominance of Islam by the West is more important than all the others?" While these issues may not reflect all Muslim worries about the West, they do share interests in common with other Muslim demonstrators.

Osama bin Laden, for instance, has repeatedly raised these issues in his comments. "Why are we battling and opposing you?" He responded to these question under his "Letter to the American People," repeating, "You attacked us in Palestine." "You assaulted us in Somalia; you aided Russian crimes in Chechnya, Indian oppression in Kashmir, and Jewish aggression in Lebanon." "Because of your worldwide clout and military threats, you grab our money and oil at pitiful prices." "Your armies occupy our countries, and your military bases are dispersed over them:" "You have starving the Iraq Muslims, and every day, children die." "You decided to move your embassy to Jerusalem because you accept the Jews' belief that Jerusalem is their everlasting capital." "These catastrophes and tragedies are just a few illustrations of your oppression and aggressiveness."

The above said key problems, were upraised by Islamists such as Abul Bara and Bin Laden along with their true believers, as well as by Muslim intellectuals, academics, and authors such as by economic professor Shahid Alam, Tariq Ramadan, a scholar and intellectual, Mahmood Mamdani, a political analyst, and a host of others, as well as Ziauddin Sardar, are entirely mocked and ridiculed as inconsequential to the unilaterally declared With its army of native informants, the corporate media positions   In his work Exoticism as well as Framing of the Islam, Said bared the Western falsification about the Islam, humiliating of Muslims, and outright contempt for their ancient objections. The Hollywood film industry is likewise on a operation to demonise the religion Islam, dehumanise the believers, and belittle its impact on civilisation, thanks to corporate funding and a lack of political restriction.

Said's incisive views on the media's evil role in the West are worth quoting in full:

“Islam is "news" of a particularly nasty kind for the general population in Europe and America today. The media, the administration, geopolitical strategists, and Islamic academics are all working together: The threat of Islam to Western civilisation is real. Negative pictures of Islam continue to predominate above all others, and these representations reflect what significant parts of society believe Islam to be rather than what Islam "is." These sectors have the ability and desire to spread that certain image of Islam, and as a result, that image becomes more prevalent and visible than all others.”   

Nothing has expedited the spread of Westophobia in the Islamic world more than the misuse of cultural freedom of speech. As previously stated, Islam and its civilisation were the target of Western disdain and hostility even before the concept of the "West" was founded. The Orientalist enterprise's creative and literary output was almost entirely committed to that purpose. The Muslim reaction to this harmful profession was mainly mute until the twentieth century, but it was entirely intellectual. At the time, advances in information and communication technology was not available. With the release of Salman Rushdie's Satanic Scriptures, a great craftsman's harmful product, the very first hate reply hate to the West's anti-Islam goal began in 1988 by the Muslim. When Khomeini issued the famous religious decree "Fatwa" denouncing Rushdie's death despite not having read the book, Muslim crowds in the hundreds of millions marched throughout the world in support of the Imam's choice to illustrate the gruesome aspect of freedom of speech and expression All in the name of freedom of speech and expression: the output of Obedience and the targeted killing of its production company, in 2004 Theo van Gogh, published  cartoons about Prophet Muhammad in the newspaper "Danish newspaper" and in 2005, Pope Benedict XVI's provocative quote on the Prophet Muhammad at the University of Regensburg in 2006, and then the same act of making cartoons by the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in 2012. Anne Norton has gently illustrated the West's hypocritical standard when it comes to executing the notion of freedom of expression and speech, arguing that "real freedom of speech requires not just the right to speak, but also the right to be silent." However, all of these instances radicalized Islamists, resulting in unrest, destruction, and fatalities.

In this age of digital era, digital space, and communications technology, information and pictures travel swiftly. Millions of Muslims monitor, listen, and read the distortions and audio-visual, deliberate disparagement and misleading statements of Islam and its adherents in the Western printed media, and also the twofold standard utilized in inferring events inside the Muslim community. Just as media monoliths e.g. CBC, CNN, and BBC reach Muslim communities with skewed and sanitised reports of events impacting Muslims, Al-Jazeera other various forms of social media cites created by Muslim activists directly reach the same homes with a counter-version. The manner the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which is at the center of Muslim complaints against the West, is covered, exemplifies the confrontation between the two accounts. In 2001 and 2003 when the US began attacking Baghdad and Afghanistan, accordingly, Al-offices Jazeera's were destroyed the reason was that the United States did not want anyone to question its account of events.

The current generation in the Islamicate, which reads the newspaper every day, listens to the radio, and watches television, is more attentive, technologically skilled, and impatient than earlier generations. The Arab Spring was ushered in by this disgruntled and modernist era in 2011, and it is this youth that has grown radicalised and adamantly anti-Western. The Arab Spring's failure to accomplish its goals of liberty, democracy, and economic fairness, on the one hand, and Egypt's surprising success in reinstalling the old government, on the other hand - both of which were aided by foreign powers - has fueled extremism. According to them, the founding of Islamic State, with its heinous acts of violence and slaughter, is the zenith of a violent revolutionary movement that began in the 1970s.

As Sayyid controversally observes, the Caliphate is "a symbol for the battles between Muslim desires to reorganise the colonial society and stakes in the continuation of the brutal order of coloniality." Also when Bin Laden asked for a Caliphate, assented it purely "for inspirational goals," not for political gain, as the Bush administration claimed.

Until now, the Muslim ummah's relations with the Judeo-Christian was characterised by political mistrust, economic disparity, and cultural hostility. Muslims were seen as the alien 'Other' by the Judeo-Christian at the time, and they remain so now. Take the concept of Judeo-Christian ideals, for example. Following World War II, this idea gained prominence as a symbol of the Christian West's newly awakened sympathy for Jews, following years of humiliation and persecution, culminating in the horrific Holocaust. The three monotheistic religions that may be traced back to the Prophet Abraham are Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. Why is it so difficult to talk about Abrahamic ideals instead than Judeo-Christian values? "The Muslim is emerging as the new Jew," Dabashi claims.

Another important aspect contributing to the rise of extremism is the ummah's is the terrible economic situation. The supremacy of a consumerist society at a period of expanding income disparity has resulted in widespread suffering, hunger, and dissatisfaction with lasting effects.  According to Joseph Massad, imperialism and globalisation have thrown the economic condition of Muslim countries into sharp relief.

"If Muslims fail to transform willingly to liberalism, or at least to forms of Muslims that liberalism accepts, they must be forcibly converted using military force, as their resistance jeopardises one of liberalism's core values, namely its unity and the requirement of its universalization as globalisation."

Chalmers Johnson predicted a "21st-century crisis in America's informal empire predicated on the projection of military might and the use of American money and markets to impose global economic integration on our conditions, at whatever cost to others" in 2000. One of the costs of this expense is a radicalised and anti-Western Islamism.

Conclusion

The events of September 11th, as well as increased Muslim intolerance in the press, governmental agencies, and society in general, have resulted in animosity toward Muslims, both personally and collectively. A secular nation, such as the United Kingdom, may provide a safe atmosphere for Muslims to practise their faith without fear of prejudice, scorn, or intolerance. While the government owes some credit for combating and reducing Islamophobia in the aftermath of 9/11, the actual credit should go to Muslim community at all aspects of British society, which is unfortunately not the case. The Iraq war, the Terrorism Act (2000), and the Anti-Terrorism Crime Security Act (2001), and also the degradation of Muslims' civil liberties in the United Kingdom, have all led to the rise of Islamophobia in the United Kingdom. In Islam, there are two major schools of thought: open and closed. Closed religious fanatics form cliques, organisations, and sects that can become violent, whereas open religious societies look for partnerships and cooperation. Closed conceptions of Islam imply the "other," Islam's [presumed] mediocrity and backwardness in relation to Christianity, Islam and violence, and caricature of Muslims in predominantly Christian nations, all of which have fueled anti-western sentiment. The open discussion exists inside as well as among Muslims, and also among Muslim intellectuals. To counteract this evil, all public institutions should incorporate a dedication to – anti based sentiments on religion in their equality and human rights plans and policies. 

This would necessitate a concurrent obligation to accommodate and encourage respect among people of various religions. Dialogue is essential for exposing falsehoods and creating common ground in order to ensure a peaceful future. Muslims, Christians, as well as Jews should accept their Abrahamic heritage as one dense footing for communiqué with whole adherents of religions in order to break free from labeling and dialogue based on uninformed profiling. All major global religions teach the fundamental principle, which basically states that one should treat others like you want to be treated. This universal concept provides a morally sound foundation for nonviolent cohabitation. Radical pragmatists may believe that this high concept would have little effect on the development of international interactions, which they believe are built on distrust, authority, and attentiveness. Many that believe in human freedom, on the other hand, may disagree. As a result, there is incentive to encourage a global conversation based on a common future. As Princeton historian Richard Bulliet claims that, Western and Islamic cultures are further intertwined that a number are willing for acceptance, numerous sub-discourses may be successful within this framework, and the bilateral relationship would be strengthened. 

Rather, it depends on one's views in terms of East-West relations. The rise of Islamophobia and anti-Americanism would be welcomed by those who prefer confrontation. Without the efforts of Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwrizm, a mathematician (780-850), today’s modern digital technology would not be possible, according to Michael Morgan. Some claim that Muslims are equipped for democratization, or that islam and democratic values are mutually incompatible. Such remarks could be construed as anti-Islamic. In essence, it says that Muslims are naturally aggressive and prefer war over dialogue as a method of settling their differences. Instead of rationalising their absence from politics, American civil society groups and organizations should reach out to their Muslim-majority country counterparts. The debate between Islamism and democracy has to be reframed: those who believe the two are mutually incompatible are those who want the West to battle the Muslim community. To put it another way, a positivist scientific result cannot answer the compatibility issue. It all depends on one's perspective on East-West ties. Those who seek confrontation would welcome the emergence of Islamop.hobia and anti-Americanism.

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